Jun 02

The Aftermath of Censorship

It has been quite a year for censorship in the Middle East. The crackdown by Egyptian regime officials and their security apparatuses on protestors’ communications was relentless, going so far as to completely suspend cell phone and Internet service for up to a week at a time. During a revolution, half an hour without cell or Internet coverage

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could be devastating, let alone seven days. It’s remarkable how far the demonstrators were able to go considering their lack of technological resources.

It was only a matter of time before these practices of massive censorship were truly drawn into question. At the time the networks were suspended, protestors and their sympathizers were outraged, unquestionably leading some to double their resolve in demanding regime change. But only now are we beginning to see how the new temporary Egyptian leadership will respond to what former Egyptian President Mubarak and Co. did while in office.

One small yet necessary measure undertaken by the Egyptian Ministry of Communications and Information Technology has been to pay local phone operators for losses incurred as a result of the government shutdown. Though some have complained that the amounts the ministry intends on dolling out are far from adequate, this measure at least demonstrates that the current leaders are willing to address the problem head on rather than attempting to downplay or ignore the mistakes made by the previous regime. This is a welcome and refreshing change to a corrupt political system that has failed to address certain concerns of its citizens for decades.

But paying out sums of money doesn’t fix the problem; it only dampens the outcry against past mistakes. The censoring of calls made on Skype, an Internet phone service, is still proving to be contentious. Many Egyptians, and people around the world for that matter, were under the impression that Skype calls and chats were far more secure than other methods of communication. It’s true that Skype does make things especially difficult to censor, seeing as how it’s based entirely on a peer-to-peer network and uses incredibly sophisticated encryption. Even so, this level of user protection didn’t stop Egypt’s Electronic Penetration Department from allegedly intercepting calls amongst revolutionary activists. When protestors crashed their way into Egyptian state security headquarters, they found transcripts of their private conversations and a memo outlining Skype as the choice communication platform of extremist groups.

This begs the question: at what point has censorship gone too far? As I see it, censorship is a rabbit hole – once you start it, it’s hard to stop. For example, say the Egyptian security forces had collected information concerning the leader of a group of violent protestors. If honest, legal methods didn’t reveal this person’s identity, hacking into private Skype conversations amongst dissidents might, especially if their superiors were hounding them to produce results. Even though they were violating basic rights of privacy, the twisted mindset tells them that they are doing it for the greater good.

Obviously, this is a dangerous and immoral train of thought. I imagine that now that the practices of Egyptian security are publically being drawn into question, some of its employees are wondering why they ever probed so deeply and dishonestly to begin with. They dove into the rabbit hole, or perhaps it was their superiors who shoved them in, and before long it was too late to crawl out.

This is not an argument that takes into account the semantics of Egyptian pre and post revolutionary law – I don’t know what their constitution states about censorship. My point is that whomever ends up leading the state after upcoming elections must make it known to the Egyptian people that they will guard the administration from infringing as far into privacy rights as Mubarak did.

Perhaps even Mubarak never intended to push so far into the private lives of Egyptians. It’s easy to demonize him now that the revolution is complete and to assume that leaders of other nations around the world would act more responsibly in the face of an uprising. Unfortunately, the rabbit hole is universal. This should be a wake up call to any nation that’s pushing the limit on censorship within the confines of their own laws – if you keep digging deeper and deeper, you may never find your way out.

Ryan Pavel is a Program and Research Intern with the SISGI Group focusing on foreign military involvement, policy and strategy into conflicts and motivations behind and impact of foreign aid. To learn more about the SISGI Group visit www.sisgigroup.org

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Jun 02

One Journey

Using Art for Social Change

Many people live less than a half hour away from their extended family. But what if the distance that separated your family was not due to geographic miles but national boundaries? What if you could see the city where your family lived but were unable to visit because you had to go through several political hoops and gain federal approval? This story seems extreme but it is a common tale for many families living in border communities within North America. Yadira De La Riva, a performance artist based in New York explores these issues in her one-woman show One Journey: Stitching Stories Across the Mexican “American” Border.

As part of our Research and Learning Series, SISGI Group President Thenera Bailey, shares a conversation with De La Riva about the lives of those living in border communities and the impact that increased immigration policies have had on families. They also discuss why the arts create a unique platform for discussing and debating social issues. As an artist, De La Riva uses her craft as a method to increase awareness of the issues impacting border communities and helps people to have a personal connection to the immigration debate. Her story places a different perspective on the American immigrant story, showing the interconnectedness of the individuals divided between nations.

To see this video in our Research and Learning Series visit our Video Library.

For more information on Yadira DeLaRiva and her one-woman show you can contact her directly at yadira.delariva@gmail.com.

If you are in the New York area, please attend the performance of One Journey at EarSay presents: Two Different Performances – a festival of emerging work, theatre, poetry and hip hop for human rights and youth leadership hosted by EarSay co-founder Judith Sloan

June 10th

8pm

Spanish Repertory Theatre
138 East 27th Street
New York, NY 10016 Between Lexington and Third Avenues

Advance Tickets available online go to: http://www.earsay.org/ and click on BUY TICKETS NOW

More Information on this Event is Available Here.

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Jun 02

Hungry for a Resolution in Libya

Since civil war broke out almost five months ago, Libya has been all over the news. There have been both intranational and international efforts to take down Muammar Gaddafi, who has been the leader of Libya since 1969, but none have been successful. As Gaddafi attempts to maintain his rule, the international community has taken drastic measures to limit his resources and cripple his power. However, sanctions have caused stocks of food and medical supplies to drastically deplete, leaving Libyans – quite literally – starving for peace.

In times of peace, Libya exports almost two billion barrels of oil per day, which gives the government enough revenue to buy food and distribute it to its citizens. Because of the war, however, sanctions prevent these oil exports from taking place, leaving Libya without the funds to provide its citizens with enough food and supplies. Though not urgent (yet), this situation is worsening quickly, and there are currently no plans to restock the nation of vital food and supplies. In other words, among the numerous bombs going off in Libya, this has become somewhat of a ticking time bomb itself.

Diminishing medical supplies also causes great concern for the increased possibility of disease. With depleting polio vaccinations, for example, comes the greater concern of a polio outbreak. This could obviously become catastrophic to a state already experiencing a shortage of food, medical supplies, governmental support, and many other necessary resources.

Too often in conflict, two main groups are the focus: those who win and those who lose, those who support a cause and those who oppose it, and in Libya’s case, those who are pro-government and those who are pro-revolution. But in the battles between two opposing groups, there are always those who get stuck in the crossfire – those who are affected by the conflict by default. The innocent – and oftentimes neglected – civilians. War certainly has many casualties; that is no secret. But some of the most tragic stories occur because of war’s ripple effect – the indirect damage that conflict can cause. Many Libyans who have had no direct part in this conflict are at an extremely high risk of suffering from hunger and disease. With an unstable government and insufficient international aid, they’re pretty much forced to wait it out until this conflict is resolved. And, unfortunately, this is only a minor ripple in war’s enormous wake.

It makes me wonder: does anyone ever really win?

What do you think about the ripple effects of war? Can you think of any other consequences that Libyans are experiencing because of the current conflict?

Rebecca Birnbaum is a Program and Research Intern with the SISGI Group focusing on nonviolent conflict resolution, nonprofit management, and sustainable development. She is a senior at the University of Michigan, where she studies Anthropology, Political Science, and Peace and Social Justice. To learn more about the SISGI Group, visit www.sisgigroup.org.
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Jun 01

Is Sex a Human Right?

Sexual Entitlement among Men with Disabilities

Over the past several years a hot topic within the disability community has been the unawareness of the sexual needs and rights of persons with disabilities (PWDs).  PWDs are often infantilized, or seen as dependent and socially maladjusted individuals, a perception which essentially strips them of their adult sexuality. While it’s true that PWDs all over the world experience various levels of isolation and limited access to intimate relationships, it’s completely absurd to suggest that PWDs don’t experience the same needs as non-disabled people, or that they are incapable of pursuing satisfying and healthy sexual relationships with their partners. Reflecting this asexual perception of PWDs, medical practitioners and policy-makers have tended to focus more on equalizing basic opportunities for PWDs, such as employment and access to essential facilities, instead of access to leisure, travel, social events, dating, etc.

The lack of social opportunities, combined with narrow and inaccurate perceptions of disability, leaves many PWDs feeling ignored and frustrated in their love lives. As a result, the practice of sex facilitation,  sex surrogacy, and sex therapy have become more popular options, although they still remain controversial. In these cases caretakers, therapists, or sex workers assist individuals with disabilities to achieve sexual satisfaction either by themselves or with their partners. The demand for sex surrogacy among PWDs has reopened the debate to legalize sex work in the UK. In 2008 the Sexual Freedom Coalition organized a demonstration in which men with disabilities campaigned against legislation that would prevent men’s right to access prostituted women. In 2005 Disability Now, a prominent UK-based magazine which focuses on disability-related issues, conducted a survey among over 1,000 individuals with disabilities. The survey showed that 63% of the respondents supported the use of available legal sexual services.  Additionally, TLC Trust, another UK-based organization, works to connect caring, respectful, and professional therapists, sex workers, massage therapists, and tantric specialists who are willing to offer their services to PWDs who wish to experience intimacy.

The problem is that most of the people who seek these services are men, and most of Continue reading

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Jun 01

California Dreaming with an Eco-friendly Twist

In a few days my family and I leave for a 6 day trip to San Francisco and Napa, and so I thought now would be an appropriate time for a practical guide on how to ‘green’ your next vacation.  This isn’t a complete guide, of course, but simply a sort of framework to give you ideas on how to plan your own eco-friendly vacation.

In a previous post I discussed The International Ecotourism Society’s list of ways to conserve energy while traveling, and so that’s a good place to start today’s guide.  We are flying to California, so we will be sure to pack light in order to reduce carbon emissions.  Usually packing light is somewhat of a challenge for my family, but this time it will be easy since we want to leave plenty of room in our suitcases for souvenirs (read: wine).  Unfortunately, because of time constraints we won’t be staying in any hotel room for more than one day, so on this trip we can’t reuse our sheets and towels the way we normally would when travelling.  We can, however, turn off the lights and the air conditioning whenever we’re not in the room, so we’ll still save some energy, and every bit counts–even if it doesn’t feel like much.  As for using greener ways to get around, we can take the trolley and taxi’s when we’re in San Francisco, but we will need a rental car to get out to Napa and Sonoma–and finding an eco-friendly rental car can put a large strain on your budget.  For example, it’s possible to rent an electric car (the Tesla) for $25 an hour (not steep) or $500 a day (quite steep) if you’re in the San Francisco area.  Hybrid cars are much cheaper (a quick search on travel sites like Orbitz and Travelocity shows a range of about $400 to $700 for a week-long rental), but still much more expensive than a standard or even premium car (another quick search on the same sites showed a range of about $150 to $400 for standard and $200 to $400 for premium).

After considering how you’re going to reduce your energy consumption while traveling, it’s time to look for environmentally friendly activities and restaurants.  I started my research simply by Googling “ecotourism California,” and I came up with several useful sites.  SustainLane was at the top of the results list, and by clicking on “advanced search” I was taken to a page where I could search for local restaurants and businesses in San Francisco (or any city you enter into the “search locally” box).  One of my travel goals was to eat some fresh sushi while in the city, and through SustainLane I was able to find a well-reviewed, organic Japanese restaurant called Minako Organic Japanese Cuisine.  Since I love shopping even more than I love eating, I then searched for eco-friendly clothing stores in San Fransisco, and got a fairly long list of green businesses that included small local boutiques as well as chains like American Apparel.  So now I have a list of organic restaurants and a list of shops–I’m ready for San Fransisco!

Next I did some research on Napa Valley, which I started in pretty much the same fashion: by Googling “Eco-tourism Napa Valley.”  The first site that popped up was the Ag-Eco Tourism section of the Napa Valley website, and while it had some nice activities I don’t think we will be partaking in any of them.  Balloon tours, for example, are not really my family’s thing, nor are bike tours or really any kind of group tours.

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May 31

Arab Education – Long Road Ahead

Many of the posts I’ve written thus far have mentioned the recent uprisings and governmental overhauls taking place in the Middle East. These events are bringing incredible amounts of change to archaic systems and have the potential to completely reshape the Arab world, a source of great excitement to people living in the region. To borrow the words of Rashid Khalidi, “Suddenly, to be an Arab has become a good thing.”

Now that the revolutionary dust has begun to settle in Tunisia and Egypt, it’s time to find out exactly what the new leadership has planned. Though some policy decisions have been laid out, there are still many unanswered questions as to what direction these countries are about to head in. One such question is that of educational reform, an issue the leaders of the Arab world cannot afford to neglect. The citizens of Arab nations have already demonstrated that they have no problem causing a tenacious ruckus if their basic needs are not met. The best way to address the protestors’ demands is to strike at the common source of many economic woes: the education system.

What is the status of education in the Arab world? Perhaps the most comprehensive studies are those that have been done by the World Bank, which tracks a number of factors that contribute to education, including such basic statistics as average public expenditures on education per country. The reports show that education in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has improved dramatically after a major region-wide developmental push starting in the 1960’s. The greatest achievement, one report states, has been the narrowing of the gender gap. Generally speaking, women of the region have far more access to public education than they did in the middle of the 20th century. A positive step, to be sure.

But the findings of these reports are not all quite as encouraging. MENA countries have some of the lowest education indicators in the entire world. As a consequence of initial reforms, schools became overcrowded. This led to a decline in the quality of overall education as well as a decrease in the amount of scholarships and other public incentives to attend school. This helped set the current status quo for Arab public education, where the goal of the schools is to “turn out minimally skilled bureaucrats who are not even guaranteed government jobs…” But the problem isn’t a simple matter of funding as you may presume, as MENA countries on average dedicate a higher amount of GDP and government expenditures to education than other developing countries of similar economic status.

This begs the question, if it’s not just a matter of increasing funding, what can be done to actually improve the education system of the MENA region? The Word Bank proposes a three level solution. Successful education reform depends on engineering (physical resources, finance), incentives (evaluation/monitoring, rewards) and public accountability (voice at the national and local level). With the ample amount of funding about to stream into Egypt and Tunisia, it seems the engineering portion is largely taken care of. The leaders of these countries must then focus on creating an incentive, ensuring public education is of a high enough quality to create graduates who can stimulate the economy. And the recent demonstrations show that Egypt, Tunisia and plenty of other Arab nations no longer have an issue with public accountability. The reforms should also take into account courses on people comprehension, which help people learn how to build relationships with one another – something people of all regions could benefit from.

Leaders in Tunisia and Egypt would be wise to take advantage of the statistics provided by the World Bank. Although in 2007 both of these countries ranked amongst the highest in the region for successful educational systems, they still have a long way to go considering the low ranking for the overall region. If the leaders want to address issues with the economy, a necessity in keeping their populations happy, they should make sure that their public schools are doing more than cranking out graduate after graduate that has little chance of finding a job.

Khalidi was right; it is a good time to be an Arab. For the first time in decades, many individuals have the chance to live in a country where their leaders provide them with tools, like education, that will enable them to build their own futures. Let’s hope those leaders don’t squander the opportunity to instill reforms that the region desperately needs.

Ryan Pavel is a Program and Research Intern with the SISGI Group focusing on foreign military involvement, policy and strategy into conflicts and motivations behind and impact of foreign aid. To learn more about the SISGI Group visit www.sisgigroup.org
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May 31

The Difficult Road Ahead

When the “Arab Spring” began in mid-December, 2010, most of the news coverage was quite hopeful.  North Africa would soon become democratic, which would be beneficial for the US, and life would rapidly improve for citizens who had been oppressed by dictators like Gaddafi and Mubarak.  But it didn’t quite happen like that.  Gaddafi still hasn’t stepped down, nor has Ali Abdullah Saleh, and the violence continues daily in many cities throughout the Arab world.

Areas where the violence has ended aren’t exactly peaceful, either.  Take, for example, Misurata, the third largest city in Libya that was for three months the scene of horrific street battles between Gaddafi’s forces and the protesters (including the infamous Battle of Misurata).  The fighting has since moved outside the city, and residents have begun to rebuild despite the lack of government and infrastructure.  Leading the recovery efforts are a small group of residents who joined together to form a committee that would tackle the most pressing issues.  They started with daily needs like water and electricity, setting up numerous specialized committees and subcommittees devoted to finding a way to recover.  They set up warehouses to distribute food, established a committee that will assess the damage done to Misurata’s buildings and come up with a plan to rebuild, and converted a steel factory into a generating plant that provides power for the city—though not as much power as is needed.  In fact, there isn’t enough of anything.  The food supplies stored in the warehouses are dwindling, the electricity flickers on and off, and the city’s fuel supply is low.

Even with the help of foreign aid the city does not have all that it requires to rebuild.  Doctors from around the world have flown to Misurata to help the overwhelmed local medical staff, but even with the extra manpower the temporary hospitals are overwhelmed and items like bandages and painkillers are in short supply.  An anonymous donor provided 40 satellite dishes and 100 satellite phones to Misurata families, but there is no cellphone network and Internet connections are rare.  Food supplies are dwindling, especially fresh food like vegetables and dairy products, and the warehouses will soon run out of food unless international aid is provided.  In short, though the violence was officially declared over in Misurata, the city is far from the bastion of democracy and stability that many in the United States (as well as other Western countries) had hoped it would be by now—and it’s just one city.  Libya as a whole is still in a state of perilous uncertainty, plagued by violence and a hotbed of unrest and anger.  Misurata is a large port city, and so is comparatively better off than much of the interior of the country, and yet residents are struggling to get food and water, let alone medical care and electricity.

It should be clear by now that the Arab Spring is not going to end as well and as quickly as many had predicted.  Early news coverage of the events in Egypt and Tunisia was hopeful and celebratory—democracy has arrived!  Everything will work out!—but most of the people in these countries live in fear not only of violence, but of starvation.  This isn’t a call for international aid (though that is very important) but simply a call for pragmatism.  These revolutions aren’t going to be easy.   No revolution is ever easy, especially when it comes to rebuilding and restructuring.  It’s time we faced that reality, instead of burying our heads in the sand and declaring it a win for democracy; rebuilding is going to take a long time and will require a lot of effort not only from residents but from the international community.  These areas have little to no infrastructure and many of the basic necessities like food and medicine (and water, an issue my colleague Ryan discussed in a post about rebuilding Iraq last week) are in short supply, and so even with the most dedicated leaders it’s going to be a long time before these countries achieve any level of stability and security.

Michelle Bovée is a SISGI Group Program and Research Intern focused on international affairs, economic development, and responsible tourism. To learn more about the SISGI Group visit www.sisgigroup.org
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May 31

Colombia’s forced eradication of illicit crops

Leer la versión en Español

In an effort to decrease drug trafficking, many countries have resorted to a forced eradication of illicit crops.  There are two main methods in which crop eradication takes place: aerial spraying of toxic chemicals and forced manual eradication. It is assumed that the eradication of the crops will stop and prevent the trade of drugs. In practice however, there’s not proof that it’s had positive consequences. Over more, human rights, traditional uses and the environment have not been given due consideration in crop eradication campaigns.

The only country where aerial fumigation takes place is in Colombia. Colombia, the world’s largest producer of cocaine, has been embroiled in an internal armed conflict and humanitarian emergency since the mid 1960’s.  It is assumed that most of these armed forces raise their revenue from coca plantations. Therefore, the government has hoped to destroy their sources of income by destroying the crops. In the 2000’s the “Plan Colombia”, aid program offered by the US, gave millions of dollars to the Colombian government (back then under president Pastrana) to be spent mainly in the military. The plan funded most of the forced eradication that took place in the following years.

On the one hand, manual eradication involves teams of eradicators accompanied by police or military that pull coca bushes from the ground. Unfortunately, they often don’t work out as well. In Colombia many farmers have reported theft of food, livestock and sexual abuses. On the other hand, the consequences of aerial fumigation have been disastrous, damaging health, food crops and the environment, and causing massive internal displacement in the country.

The people affected by the fumigations are generally local farmers and rural communities that are forced to grow illicit crops because of the military or economic conditions they live in.   Farmers without coca plantations are often left with no alternatives to support themselves, thus susceptible of joining guerilla groups or engage again in coca plantations. And while coca can easily grow back in the fumigated areas, some types of food crops rarely do. Therefore, it seems that for an effective and durable end of illicit crops production, alternative development methods are needed. Farmers must be given the right incentives and be offered the right opportunities to make the transition from illegal to legal crops.

And while aerial fumigation damages farmers and the environment, it is seldom an effective measure to stop coca plantations. Too often, the only thing that happens is that growers move to other cultivation areas and therefore destroy a larger portion of Colombia’s tropical forest, and introduce more chemicals to the environment.

In Colombia, alternative development programs have been hindered by a lack of infrastructure. With the so-called Plan Colombia, the US Congress and Colombian government have spent over half billion on aerial fumigation. This spending could be redirected to provide a safe income or insurance to the farmers who quit the cultivation of illicit crops, and to offer them service and compensation for doing so while offering assistance to create sustainable communities. This would have a better short term and long term effect, as it could simultaneously re-establish the trust between the state and farmers and decrease poverty.

It is well recognized that for alternative development programs to succeed there is a need to be accompanied by investment in infrastructure, and trade justice. But as long as farmers find it easier to sustain their lives cultivating coca leaves than other legal crops, the problem will be hard to eradicate.

 

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May 30

Peace Not Wanted in Lebanon?

Remember last week when I posted about honoring U.N. Peacekeepers? Well, I’m sorry to report that a vehicle filled with U.N. Peacekeepers has since been attacked in Lebanon. On Friday, May 27, a marked United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) vehicle was blown up near the city of Sidon in southern Lebanon. Six Italian U.N. Peacekeepers were injured – one severely – along with two Lebanese civilians. This wasn’t just a random act of violence, however – the attack was clearly intended to harm people who were trying to establish peace and stability to an unstable place.

This attack comes at a time when tensions are high, as Lebanon has lacked a stable government since January 2011. So far, no group has claimed responsibility for the attack. There are currently investigations underway to determine who was behind it so the perpetrators can be brought to justice. Additionally, this unfortunately isn’t the first attack on U.N. Peacekeepers in Lebanon. The most recent attack was in January 2008, where two Peacekeepers were wounded. Although the attacks are relatively rare, they cannot be taken lightly.

Not only does this deeply sadden me, but it also seriously confuses me. It’s difficult to wrap my mind around the idea that out of all the people to attack as tensions are rising in Lebanon, why attack those who are trying to bring about peace? Could it be that U.N. Peacekeepers are misrepresented in Lebanon, or is it possible that some people simply don’t believe in peace? What would make someone want to attack – of all groups of people – U.N. Peacekeepers? How could they possibly be perceived as a threat? How could the idea of peace in general be perceived negatively?

This is where using people comprehension skills becomes important – they can help us better understand the attackers’ point of view. To many, U.N. Peacekeepers work in Lebanon to establish peace and stability in an unstable place. However, to anti-government organizations and rebel groups, Peacekeeping operations can be perceived as a foreign intervention. Groups working to overthrow a government can therefore view any group trying to bring stability to Lebanon – or any country in a similar situation – as a threat and an enemy.

It may also be true that Peacekeepers do work against certain rebel groups. If an organization uses violence or contribute to the dangers of an unstable country, U.N. Peacekeepers will oppose their efforts as they work to minimize tensions and build stability. In this case, it makes sense why Peacekeepers are seen as an enemy. This may in fact be the motivation behind Friday’s attack.

Do you think there’s a way for U.N. Peacekeepers to be perceived as less of a threat? How can we prevent attacks like this from happening?

Rebecca Birnbaum is a Program and Research Intern with the SISGI Group focusing on nonviolent conflict resolution, nonprofit management, and sustainable development. She is a senior at the University of Michigan, where she studies Anthropology, Political Science, and Peace and Social Justice. To learn more abou the SISGI Group visit www.sisgigroup.org.
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May 30

Avoid Scarcity in Psychiatric Services – Make Medical School Free

As I mentioned in a previous post, the prevalence of neuropsychiatric conditions is skyrocketing around the world. Unfortunately, this rise in incidence has not been accompanied by a rise in amount of mental health care clinicians. Demand for psychiatry is rising faster than for any other specialty, yet medical students are opting for specialties with higher economic incentives such as dermatology, radiology, and cardiology. Currently, half of practicing psychiatrists are at least 55 years old and nearing retirement, and there will not be enough psychiatrists-in-training to adequately replace them.

Physician Jeffrey Lieberman of Columbia University mentioned his concerns about the shortage in psychiatrists in his video blog for Medscape. He claimed that to meet the growing demand for mental health services, more physicians must be trained in the field of psychiatry, and some of the burden must be shared by primary care physicians.

Although there is an obvious huge need and scarcity of psychiatrists, how can we ensure that enough medical students will opt to choose this profession? The way our healthcare system is structured, medical students have overwhelming economic incentives to choose professions in which they perform expensive medical procedures rather than merely converse with patients and occasionally prescribe medications. Sure, basic economic theory suggests that as demand for psychiatric services increase, prices will also rise. However, even with this boost in demand, it is unlikely that these consultations will ever match the cost of removing a zit, reading an x-ray, or performing plastic surgery. An average psychiatrist makes $169,000 per year. While this salary is by no means chump change, it is dwarfed by average salaries for physicians in most other specialties. For example, an average radiologist makes $354,000 per year. Every physician must go through 4 years of undergraduate studies, 4 years of medical school, and at least 3 years of training before they accrue such high salaries. By the time they are a practicing physicians, many have accumulated hundreds of thousands dollars of student loans. With such massive financial obligations, who can blame them for choosing specialties for personal gain rather than for pursuing passions or fulfilling public need?

Solutions for this shortage in psychiatry do exist. An op-ed published in the New York Times just yesterday suggested that medical schools should not charge tuition. Under the proposed plan, people training to become primary care physicians would continue to receive a stipend in their residency programs, whereas people training for specialties would have to forgo their stipend. This stipulation was made to make primary care more attractive to students and make a plan for free medical school tuition more economically feasible. Considering how well-paid physicians are, some people may find this solution preposterous. Yet the idea has some merit. The writers of the op-ed claim that making medical school free would cost $2.5 billion, which is merely 0.1% of what the United States spends on health care every year. I propose a slight change to NYT contributors Peter Bach and Robert Kocher’s plan. I do not advocate a complete withdrawal of stipends for people in residency programs who are specializing in a field other than primary care. I think stipends should be based on expected demand for services and expected scarcity of services. Thus, fields such as primary care and psychiatry will have high stipends, whereas fields such as dermatology and radiology will have low stipends.

My proposed solution can succeed in overcoming this problem of scarcity in psychiatric services. Since medical school graduates will not be overridden with debt, they will be able to choose a specialty that aligns more with their interests rather than what career can help them pay off their bills most quickly. This, coupled with the fact that residency programs for psychiatrists would offer higher stipends to trainees than programs for more adequately supplied services, should incentivize more medical school students to specialize in psychiatry and primary care, and the burgeoning demand for such services will be met. Furthermore, since medical school would be free, the healthcare system would more closely resemble a meritocracy. Capable students who are driven away from the career because of the financial investment of medical school may choose to become doctors, and the overall quality of healthcare in America would probably improve. Finally, in the long-term, perhaps consumers may even pay cheaper fees for all healthcare services. After all, doctors would have received their training for free, and it would be much more difficult for them to justify charging significantly above their marginal costs per service. Thus, my proposed solution could not only allow growing demand for psychiatrists and primary physicians to be met but also increase the quality and affordability of health care services.

Shaunak Varma is a SISGI Group Program and Research Intern. To learn more about the SISGI Group visit www.sisgigroup.org
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